By Vishnu Luitel, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania

Nestled within the mighty Himalayan range lies the small yet beautiful mountain pass of Bhutan, situated between the vast, populous countries of China and India. Bhutan is a constitutional monarchy, but its portrayal of a two-party democracy and emphasis on “Gross National Happiness” are little more than façades. In truth, the king holds absolute power, and democracy remains a nominal concept. Outside a small ruling elite, most citizens live in poverty, unemployment, and hardship. The government’s two primary slogans — “Gross National Happiness” and “Democracy gifted by the King” — lack any real substance. Neither widespread happiness nor democracy truly exists in the country.

Another deceptive project is the so-called “Gelephu Mindfulness City,” recently promoted by Bhutan. It appears to be a branding effort aimed at global markets, intended to mask the injustices, torture, and forced exile of Bhutanese citizens during the 1990s.

In the 1980s and 90s, Bhutanese citizens raised their voices to restore human rights and protested against the government’s discriminatory census policies. In response, the government imposed military rule and violently suppressed dissent. Many people became martyrs, and hundreds endured brutal imprisonment. Even today, some Bhutanese remain in dire conditions, languishing in prison under inhumane treatment. Reports recently published by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International document the suffering of 32 political prisoners — including Birkha Bahadur Kshetri, Kumar Gautam, and Sanman Gurung — held in Chamgang Prison. “ 

Around 120,000 Bhutanese were expelled from the country under accusations of terrorism. Since then, three generations of these stateless citizens have been denied the right to return. Bhutan continues to blacklist itself in international human rights circles by refusing their reentry.

These exiled Bhutanese took temporary refuge in camps located in Nepal’s Jhapa and Morang districts. For nearly two decades, Bhutan ignored global and Nepali appeals for repatriation. From 2008 onward, several Western nations began offering resettlement to the refugees. The largest number — approximately 85,000 — were resettled in the United States, with others finding new homes in Canada, Australia, and Europe. However, about 6,500 refugees still remain in the camps, holding on to a faint hope of returning home. Bhutan, meanwhile, has painted its borders red — both literally and figuratively — to keep them out.

Bhutan continues to show no intention of welcoming these refugees back. Whether due to Nepal’s weak diplomatic efforts or India’s complicity in the original expulsions — helping Bhutan drive citizens to the Nepal border but refusing to let them enter Indian territory — the dream of repatriation has remained elusive.

From 2008 to 2017, the third-country resettlement program continued. Despite generous humanitarian support, especially from the U.S., Bhutan persisted in promoting its happiness narrative while refusing to allow exiled citizens to return. The Bhutanese government is now using the land left behind by expelled citizens in Gelephu to build a “Mega City,” effectively trying to erase the historical presence of Nepali-speaking Bhutanese.

In recent years, the Trump administration placed Bhutan on the U.S. “red list” of countries — alongside nations like North Korea and Afghanistan — whose citizens are barred from entering the U.S. Bhutan’s continued claim of being a peaceful, Buddhist, happiness-driven country appears to contradict the reality faced by its citizens abroad.

Although Bhutan presents itself at the United Nations and other international forums as a model of peace and democracy, most Bhutanese who travel abroad for study, training, or tourism rarely return. Life is simply better in those countries, casting serious doubt on Bhutan’s claims of nationwide happiness.

Under the Trump administration’s strict immigration policies, many non-citizens and immigrants involved in criminal activities in the U.S. have been deported. Even legally resettled Bhutanese refugees have faced deportation if found guilty of breaking the law. In recent months, ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) has arrested over sixty resettled Bhutanese refugees. Some lacked U.S. citizenship or had expired green cards.

Ironically, Bhutan — which had long denied these refugees as its own — was forced to issue travel documents for them once the Trump administration included Bhutan on the red list. In doing so, Bhutan acknowledged their citizenship. Thirteen resettled Bhutanese were deported from the U.S. and flown to Paro via New Delhi in March. Upon arrival, ten were immediately detained by Bhutanese police, housed in a hotel overnight, given a small sum of money, and then escorted to the Indian border. There, with Indian police assistance, they were taken to the Nepal-India border towns of Panitanki, Galgalia, and Khoribari — and left stranded.

Of the thirteen deportees, four — Ashish Subedi, Santosh Darjee, Roshan Tamang, and Ashok Gurung — were arrested by Nepali police and placed in a jail in Kakarbhitta. The whereabouts of the remaining nine are unknown.

These events highlight a troubling reality. While some Bhutanese in the U.S. fell into legal trouble due to their own actions, those who were resettled legally should have been treated within the framework of U.S. law, not rendered stateless again. This turn of events raises serious questions about the treatment and protection of stateless people.

The United States is a country governed by law and democracy. Those who live there must follow its rules. But the responsibility also lies with the global community: Who will protect the rights and lives of these deportees — especially those who are no longer welcome anywhere?

Human rights activist Gopal Krishna Shivakoti visited the immigration center in Kakarbhitta and met four of the deportees. He described their mental state as deeply traumatized. “The moment they landed in Paro, they were briefed that they had no rights or place in Bhutan and were handed over to Nepal with some pocket money,” he said. “That’s another crime against humanity.”

Bhutan may hope that by accepting deportees, it can improve its international image. But the way it has treated the first twelve — effectively exiling them again — shows otherwise. Whether Bhutan turns from red to black in international opinion will depend on its actions, not its slogans.

If Bhutan truly wants to lead the world in ethics and humanity, it must answer for its past crimes — especially the ethnic cleansing and expulsion of its own citizens since the 1990s. As it stands, Bhutan has become a burden to the world, not a model nation.

India, meanwhile, played a major role in the original expulsions and continues to act as Bhutan’s enabler. India forcibly pushed refugees into Nepal in the 1990s and has consistently obstructed repatriation efforts. Yet, for American deportees, India now provides a transit route — underscoring its contradictory stance.

Nepal gave shelter to Bhutanese refugees, a noble act widely praised. Unfortunately, some Nepali officials later engaged in human trafficking, falsely sending Nepali citizens abroad as Bhutanese refugees — thereby jeopardizing the future of genuine refugees. Those responsible must be exposed and held accountable.

Today, the thirteen deportees from the U.S. have no other country to turn to. Some are jailed in Nepal; others are missing. They must be dealt with fairly, within legal frameworks. But forcing them to relive statelessness is unjust and inhumane.

The U.S. government must recognize the seriousness of this issue. The deportees’ right to identity, land, and safety must be ensured. International organizations, including the UNHCR, Red Cross, and human rights bodies, must step in to monitor and protect their rights and lives.

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