Questions Raised by the Mysterious Death of Gurung in a Bhutanese Prison

Bishnu Luitel
By Bishnu Luitel – Harrisburg, Pennsylvania
No matter how much the ethnic cleansing measures carried out by the Bhutanese government from the 1980s to the 1990s are condemned, it is still not enough. Unarmed citizens who participated in peaceful rallies demanding change in the government’s discriminatory ethnic policies were labeled as committing crimes of treason, and more than one hundred thousand citizens were expelled from the country using military forces.
Bhutan is a multi-ethnic, multilingual, multicultural, and multi-identity country. It is a small Himalayan state with unity in diversity and diversity in unity. Citizens, along with their identities, should have been able to equally enjoy all the facilities and benefits of the country. But Nepali-speaking Bhutanese were deprived of those rights—they were neither allowed to live in the country nor guaranteed the security of their lives.
If, in 1990, the government had not brutally suppressed the ordinary voice of the people and had instead accepted the people’s aspirations positively, neither would hardworking citizens have been forced to leave the country, nor would the government have suffered disgrace and humiliation.
Had the government at that time been sensitive to citizens’ human rights and their natural right to democracy, the country would surely have reached great heights of development and prosperity today. There is no doubt about this.
Those who support state governance must think that the government has an important role in serving citizens and in the all-round development of the country. The government must always be honest and accountable to the people and the nation.
When state operators become discriminatory, cruel, and corrupt, and distance themselves from accountability, the people suffer and the country moves toward decline.
Today, Bhutan’s condition appears to be the same. Evidence that Nepali-speaking Bhutanese were not only dedicated to the overall development of the nation but were even more loyal, faithful, and honest toward the state is provided by the construction of ring roads such as Gelephu–Trongsa, Trongsa–Thimphu, and Thimphu–Gelephu.
Not only that, but they also stood like shields at the borders and repeatedly protected the country from foreign attacks. The free labor contributed by Nepali-speaking citizens in building bridges, government offices, dzongs, and their selfless contributions in defending the country from external aggression were neither evaluated nor acknowledged with gratitude by anyone.
So much so that every year it was mandatory for one member from each household to provide seventy days of free labor. It is because of the selfless labor and sweat shed by Nepali-speaking citizens that the country is secure today. The royal throne is secure, and the king has been able to expand the global branding of “Gross National Happiness.” If Nepali-speaking citizens had not sacrificed their lives to build the nation, Bhutan today would either still be in a primitive state or would have already been annexed by another country.
Whether in making the country self-reliant in agricultural production or in constructing roads connecting remote rural areas, the contribution of Nepali-speakers was and remains at the forefront. Moreover, in seasonal cash crops production such as cardamom, orange, betel nut, and coconut, southern citizens brought miraculous development and made Bhutan almost self-reliant in agriculture.
In food crops such as rice, maize, and millet as well, Nepali-speakers ensured food security for the country’s entire population. Citizens in other parts of Bhutan, especially indigenous communities, are still in the age of traditional farming, dependent on wild roots and meat.
In 1990, the then king deployed the army against the peaceful demonstrations carried out by Nepali-speaking Bhutanese citizens and spread state terror throughout the country.
Deploying the army against unarmed citizens instead of addressing their legitimate demands can never be the king’s duty. The idea that one can rule undisputedly by driving hardworking subjects out of the country is unjustifiable in any way. A country without citizens and a king without subjects cannot be imagined.
The discriminatory mindset and unjust decisions of the Bhutanese king clearly show how weak and cowardly the royal throne was, shaken by the people’s demand for changes in governance for national development. The strong foundation of a king’s rule lies in impartial and non-discriminatory governance. That alone is the true royal duty.
A king must always remain conscious and alert about his duty and responsibility. No citizen should be discriminated against or treated unjustly based on caste, religion, class, gender, language, culture, or identity. This is the king’s royal duty.
Only a king who inspires citizens toward happiness and prosperity can be popular and benevolent. A king and government should not stand only for the interests of a particular group but must stand as protectors of all citizens and the nation as a whole.
The helplessness and weaknesses of Bhutan’s royal government are countless. Not only did the state fail to protect and serve its citizens, it also failed to protect the country’s borders.
Reports that Bhutan lost nearly ten thousand square kilometers of land, including the Kulagangri mountain range in the northern region, after 1990 have deeply worried and distressed the Bhutanese people.
Bhutan’s total area was around 47,000 square kilometers, but today it has shrunk to only around 38,000 square kilometers. Even these figures prove how incapable the royal government has been in defending the country’s borders. The royal government could neither ensure the peace and security of its citizens nor protect the nation’s boundaries.
After the 1990s, the Bhutanese royal government launched an extreme discriminatory campaign against northeastern and southern populations. Misusing state power, the government expelled more than one hundred thousand citizens from the country. Some were shot dead on the spot, many disappeared, and many citizens are still being forced to endure severe torture in prisons even more dangerous than Hitler’s gas chambers.
The brutality went so far that many political prisoners were allegedly killed inside prison itself. Killing any prisoner inside jail crosses the ultimate boundary of injustice and crime. Yet it was done. Being killed inside prison represents the extreme culmination of torture.
One tragic example of this extreme atrocity is the killing of Shah Bahadur Gurung, a resident of Lalikhark, Gopini Block, Chirang District, who was killed at Chemgang Prison on December 15, 2025. He was imprisoned on charges of treason for allegedly participating in the peaceful rally of 1990. Bhutanese courts had sentenced Gurung to life imprisonment.
After keeping Gurung imprisoned for 35 years, the Bhutanese royal government allegedly tortured him repeatedly leading to his death, according to shocking reports.
He was killed just two days before Bhutan’s 118th National Day. Relatives currently living in the United States have stated that Bhutanese authorities handed over his body to the family on the eve of the national celebration. To date, no official explanation, no medical report, no post-mortem results, nor any independent verification has been made public, nor has the family been provided with any assurance of compensation or relief.
The failure to conduct a genuine investigation into such a tragic and suspicious death of a prisoner under state custody has raised serious human-rights concerns.
Gurung had one elder brother, one elder sister, and three younger brothers, and he was the second son of the Gurung family. A relative currently living in the United States said tearfully, “While he was still in prison, his father passed away. Yet the Bhutanese royal government did not even allow him to perform his father’s last rites, let alone meet his family.” The relative continued, sobbing, “My brother did not get justice, but other Bhutanese and our family must receive justice. The attention of the international community and human-rights organizations must reach this issue.”
Gurung was held for more than 35 years in Rabuna military detention in Wangduephodrang and in Chemgang Prison. Although old age and weak health were cited as causes of death, it was never explained what crime warranted such a long prison sentence, nor was he ever given a proper legal hearing or defense. In the land of Buddha, the guide of peace, he was shown no mercy, compassion, or forgiveness even while seriously ill. His family was not even informed about his illness. Only after his death was his body handed over to the family. Such irresponsible actions clearly demonstrate how harsh and cruel the Bhutanese royal government is.
Bhutan’s current Queen Her Majesty Jetsun Pema is the President of the Bhutan Red Cross Society. Should or should not the International Red Cross Society demand from the Bhutan Red Cross Society full details regarding the conditions of all political prisoners, those who have died in prison, and the overall human-rights situation in Bhutan? Should accountability be demanded or not?
It is as clear as daylight that the Bhutanese royal government is responsible for the political discrimination, cultural encroachment, and ethnic cleansing carried out against Nepali-speaking Lhotshampas and Sharchops in Bhutan during nearly a decade from 1980 to 1990.
More than three dozen political prisoners arrested in the 1990s are still living hellish lives in harsh prisons today. There is growing intense pressure demanding the unconditional release of all political prisoners—whose only “crime” was demanding democracy and human rights—along with proper compensation.
The world is also expressing widespread concern that the Bhutanese royal government must not delay this matter under any pretext.
On humanitarian grounds, the current Bhutanese government must show urgency in resuming dialogue with the Government of Nepal regarding the problems of people living in Bhutanese refugee camps in Nepal who are hoping for early repatriation. As the creator of the problem, the Bhutanese royal government must take responsibility and respectfully accept citizens who wish to return to their country.
Time is powerful. Time keeps accounts of everyone. One should not assume they will rule forever. Today’s king may be tomorrow’s subject, and yesterday’s subject may rise to be tomorrow’s king.
This is all a matter of time. Therefore, no one should harbor malice against others, nor treat subjects like slaves. When times change, slaves can become masters and masters can become servants.
A king is not only the king of a country and its subjects. A good king is one who can win the hearts of the world through good governance, visionary abilities, royal conduct, and exemplary leadership. But Bhutan’s king has not even remained a king for all Bhutanese subjects.
The outside world is no longer unaware of the injustice and oppression committed by the Bhutanese king against southern Bhutanese. Injustice cannot rule this living planet for long. Science and technology have already transformed the world. Everyone now has the ease to see, understand, and form opinions about the world even while lying in bed.
Let the Bhutanese government awaken in time. Do not assume that building walls at borders can imprison the voices of citizens. If pushed too far, Excessive oppression can break people’s silence and lead to explosions. Fire beneath ashes can one day turn into flames. Therefore, it is said: do not go to extremes. Excess causes destruction. Bhutanese refugees must wait for time, because the fruit of patience is sweet. One day, time itself will punish the oppressor and deliver justice to the oppressed.
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